Editorial. Post-Mileism in dispute

21.09.2025 00:21

Javier Milei’s government is politically finished. The extravagant libertarian experiment has the chopped ticket: he lost social credit, lost allies, lost the street, lost the Congress, lost the networks, lost “the markets,” lost the mystique and even lost several of his chupamedias (although some incurables remain). This is independent of how much its administration lasts in more: because it is already in “plan to last”, in “plan to arrive”. Get where? To October, even with the language outside and raffle resources – and dollars – that we will pay the Argentines and the Argentines. Yesterday they gave 700 million dollars to maintain the price of the currency in the famous roof of the band.

This week he suffered several consecutive parliamentary defeats: deputies rejected by great majority the vetoes to the university financing and the pediatric emergency (Garrahan) – with votes above two thirds -, and the Senate opened another flank when the veto on the distribution of ATN, the funds that go to the provinces. Nothing fell from heaven: it was the third university federal march, with teachers, students, non -teachers, health personnel, state, social movements and unions, which pushed from the street. And it is continuity of almost two years of struggles, with retirees and retirees as advanced.

In the economy, all alarms are set on fire: Merval had the worst performance of all the world’s bags in 2025. The most capitalist government on the entire planet achieved the worst results in the stock market, in its spine. The country risk exceeded 1,500 points; The official dollar, the Blue and the financial ones closed above $ 1,500. The government sells “macro order”; Reality buys political and social crisis. When the screens tremble, the other red circle changes the script: it no longer reaches with the applause of 2024; Today they ask for guarantees and take a certain distance.

In what sense is it liquidated? In which he failed as a project that aspired to reset the country and impose the large counter -reforms promised to capital (labor, pension, fiscal). For those tasks it lacks force. His eventual survival – in the best case – will be that of an archer stopping penalties for two years. They see this all; The first, the owners of the country, who already tanta a “mileism with good manners.”

That is why what is discussed-and we said it early in this space, a glass of water and a self-reference is not denied to anyone-what is discussed is post -ileism. It is not a laboratory idea: it is a territory in dispute. Some dream of a “unit of unity” that manages the same program with different manners; Others, from the governors and part of the opposition, push the cohabitation to pray the old regime. And there are also those who, with more combative speech (Kirchnerism/Kicillofismo), propose passive wait or, at most, vote against the elections. In that universe, most trade union and social conduits are encolumn, which could call a unemployment and mobilization to stop the looting, but they are not doing it.

The government is bleeding, crumbling, but maintains control of the board and accelerates the final prey. Two examples: Caputo has already warned that he will raffle to the last dollar to hold the ceiling of the exchange band – he invites the embezzlement of the reserves; And Milei has the decree ready to privatize 49% of Argentine Nucleoéctrica SA (NA-SA), operator of the nuclear power plants Atucha I, Atucha II and Reservoir. Eduardo Eurnekian – a privileged support of the Milei project – appears as a candidate to keep part of the business. The message is clear: before sinking, passing the cap … and the invoice.

Thus, the discussion about post-Mileism opens in the middle of the looting phase, dangerous for the majority. Yesterday’s collaborationists, who vote against Congress today, in fact hold the government with a waiting policy just when more damage can do. Defeating the vetoes does not reach if we do not defeat the program that inspires them: the transfer from wages, universities and hospitals to banks, exporters and oligopolies.

Post-Mileism cannot be the return to Argentina of infinite adjustment, but with institutional photos. It must be the opening of a new cycle, with a plan from below. Or it will be the rehabilitation of the old regime – low intensity governability, eternal debt and administered poverty – or will be the construction of an alternative by the workers.

This plan must propose, without euphemisms: immediate and indexed salary recomposition, real mobile retirements, increased budget for education, health, science; Nationalization of banking in a unique system and control of foreign trade (the central mechanisms of looting). And a warning: not build post-Mileism about expectations for the subsoil left by Mileism. If so, Milei would win in his defeat.

The scenario changed rapidly and limited the options. The dilemma today is clear: or a purely electoral front that preaches the wait, or a unique front – which also intervenes in the electoral field from the left – to go to action and reorganize the country on new bases, breaking the rule that brought us here to here: that the workers, the workers and the popular majorities are the ones who always pay all the crises.

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Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com

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