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The Work of Four Years Ago

The political landscape is a 4D chessboard, with every move by a candidate designed to outmaneuver the opposition. It’s a spectacle of tactics and strategies, with one of the most striking moves being a bulletproof, evergreen anti-incumbent appeal. In the annals of such strategies, one stands out among all others: challenger Ronald Reagan's can’t-miss sally in the 1980 presidential debate against President Jimmy Carter. Reagan’s question to listeners, “Are you better off than you were four years ago?” isn’t just an inquiry about the state of affairs; it’s a philosophical musing on the cruel progression of time that inexorably vanquishes all of us.

In the pallid light of the desolation we all feel, Reagan's words cut like a cold wind: "Next Tuesday is election day..." This isn't just a reminder of civic duty; it's the tolling of a bell for the incumbent, a somber prelude to judgment day. The polling booth becomes not just a place to cast a vote but a confessional where we admit, perhaps only to ourselves, the dismal truth that we're no better off (and we never will be).

The questions Reagan asks—"Are you better off than you were 4 years ago? Is it easier for you to go and buy things in the stores than it was 4 years ago?"—are rhetorical bear traps. They're set with the bait of hope, but snap shut on the grim reality. We're participants in an economy that feels more like a rigged system where the house always wins. These queries aren’t designed for us to answer “yes.” They’re there to affirm our collective disillusionment.

Asking if America is as respected or as strong as it was four years ago, Reagan taps into the nagging suspicion that the nation’s stature and safety are “always already” slipping away like sand through our fingers. It's a questioning of not just policy but pride, an insinuation that the current administration is a ship that's let its sails luff.

"And if you answer all of those questions yes," Reagan continues, laying out the facade of a choice. It’s a Hobson’s choice, a magician's flourish; the real trick is that he's convinced us the only sensible answer is “no.” He's not just offering an alternative; he's framing the current state as a ship that’s been sinking since it left the safety of the harbor. The subtext is clear: abandon ship or go down with it.

Finally, Reagan's rallying cry for a crusade, to relieve the great people of this country from the yoke of the nanny state, strikes a chord. It's a call to arms, appealing to the rugged individualist in all of us. Yet, deep down, we wonder: can we really go back to a time when each man was his own king—heck, was it ever thus for us, who depend so much not just on one another but on the salted pork dispensed stingily by “Uncle Sam”?—or is this just another campaign fairy tale with which we might vibe for a brief spell?

In every word Reagan spoke that night, there was an implicit understanding of the permanent disillusionment pervading the American spirit—one that would surely resonate with those Southwestern Pennsylvania whiskey rebels who were already unhappy with the state of the new nation in the immediate aftermath of the Revolutionary War. His appeal wasn’t just to those who felt the economy's squeeze—it was to anyone who’d ever doubted, who’d ever feared, who’d ever futilely hoped for more than just the dreary status quo. His was a message of shared struggle followed by an empty promise to lead us out of the wilderness. Whether that promise was a beacon of hope or a will-o'-the-wisp remains in the eye of the beholder. But one thing was for certain: in the theater of politics, the celluloid “Gipper” understood his audience, and he played them with the skill of a virtuoso.

From a marketing standpoint, the efficacy of Reagan's anti-incumbent appeal is derived from its alignment with the inherent cynicism of the human experience. It's a bleak truth: in the narrative of personal fortunes, there exists a prevailing sentiment of decline—a mental recession that never abates, regardless of what the prevailing economic indicators may suggest. This perpetual vibe of economic malaise is more palpable than any transient uptick in a nation's GDP or a temporary drop in unemployment rates.

Why bother polling people about the economy, anyway? The reality is that for the rank-and-file—all of us living, breathing 'humanzees'—the economic situation is perpetually grim. It’s an ever-present depression, a ceaseless downturn that's only ever good in hindsight. Remember the times when a fistful of coins could buy you two steamed hot dogs and a  cornucopia of sugary bliss? That's nostalgia talking, the rose-tinted hindsight that deceives us into believing there was ever such a thing as a good economic state.

Our fortunes, our lives, our standards—they're all riding an escalator going down, much like these big, decaying meat suits we occupy. As the chorus of history repeats its melancholic tune, we find that we’ve always been in decline, from the very start. It’s a relentless march toward the inevitable, punctuated by the rhythm of our footsteps as we all head "four years closer to the tomb than the womb."

My father had a saying that now echoes with the ring of truth: whether he earned five bucks or five million, it was the same in the grand scheme of things. Wealth is a mirage that can dissipate in an instant, wiped out by an accident or a miscalculated risk, and it ceases to matter the very moment that one ceases to exist. There’s no safety net in this lifelong away game; the floor can drop out at any moment, leaving you with nothing but the freefall.

That's why Reagan's question—"Are you really better off than you were four years ago?"—is such a devastatingly effective piece of political marketing. It’s not just a question; it's a universal truth wrapped in a rhetorical enigma. Of course, you aren't better off. How could you be? You're older, wiser to the world's woes, and invariably closer to your final destination.

This is the genius of Reagan's anti-incumbent pitch. It's a truth that feels unassailable because it resonates with our most fundamental beliefs about life and progress—or the lack thereof. In an "if you've got what it takes, we'll take what you've got" country, where the social safety net feels more like a fishing net with holes too large to catch most, Reagan’s message hits home with a batting average well in excess of Ted Williams’.

If I were asked to run a campaign, I wouldn’t stray from this line of attack. Every question fielded would be a detour back to this fundamental inquiry. In every town hall, every debate, every stump speech, the message would be a relentless drumbeat, echoing the internal monologue of every voter who has ever felt the sharp sting of economic insecurity.

Ronald Reagan understood something fundamental about the American psyche: hope sells tickets to a one-off show, but fear endures forever. In a marketing-saturated nation where progress is promised but rarely perceived, highlighting a relentless personal depression is not just effective—it’s political gold.

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